How Russia has created a climate of fear as it prosecutes hundreds for speaking out against the war | World News

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If there’s one thing that defines what Russia has become over the past 1000 days, it’s the letter Z.

What began as a military marking at the start of the war, has been transformed into a national emblem that’s on clothing, bumper stickers, and even buildings.

It’s thought to stand for “Za pobedu” (‘for victory’).

Ostensibly, it’s a patriotic symbol of support for Russia’s so-called special military operation.

But given what happens to those who oppose the war, it’s hard not to see it as a menacing reminder that dissent isn’t tolerated.

In Russia right now, Gen Z is all that exists.

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Anna Bazhutova is one of the many who found out the hard way.

In June this year, the 31-year-old video blogger was jailed for five and a half years after sharing witness accounts online about alleged Russian atrocities in the Ukrainian city of Bucha.

She was found guilty of spreading false information about the Russian army, one of many laws introduced in the wake of Moscow’s full-scale invasion.

“The sentence is unjustifiably harsh,” Ms Bazhutova’s partner Aleksandr told me.

“Even if we consider that some offence exists, this sentence is incomparably large.

“It is practically for nothing. Just words.”

A 'Z' is seen lit up on a Moscow building
Image:
A ‘Z’ is seen lit up on a Moscow building

And that’s just it. Words have become weaponised in Russia, and are now used against those who don’t utter the right ones.

According to human rights watchdog OVD-Info, more than 1,000 people have been prosecuted in Russia for speaking out against the war, with over 20,000 detained for protesting.

Vladimir Putin right now is essentially waging a two-front war,” Dan Storyev, OVD-Info’s English managing editor, told Sky News.

“One front is against Ukrainians on the battlefield. And the other war is domestic.

“It’s against whoever the Kremlin sees as traitors, as a danger to the regime.”

Nadezhda Buyanova, 68, was convicted of spreading “fakes” about the Russian army. Pic: Reuters
Image:
Nadezhda Buyanova, 68, was convicted of spreading ‘fakes’ about the Russian army. Pic: Reuters

Last week, a Moscow court jailed a 68-year-old paediatrician for more than five years after she was publicly denounced by the mother of one of her patients for comments she allegedly made about Russian soldiers.

Like Anna Bazhutova, 68-year-old Nadezhda Buyanova was convicted of spreading “fakes” about the Russian army.

But in her case, there was no video evidence, only the word of her accuser.

For the court, that was enough, regardless of Ms Buyanova’s denials.

Activists say the case is especially concerning because of its historical echoes.

Russians informing on one another was a hallmark of the suspicion that was rife under Soviet rule and the practice appears to be growing as the war grinds on.

“It is minuscule compared to what Stalin had but it definitely is something that is very worrying,” Mr Storyev said.

“And this is something that the Russian state is actively trying to grow.”

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Nadezhda Buyanova stands inside an enclosure for defendants during a court hearing in Moscow on 12 November. Pic: Reuters
Image:
Nadezhda Buyanova stands inside an enclosure for defendants during a court hearing in Moscow on 12 November. Pic: Reuters

Unlike the Z symbols, this trend of informing isn’t visible.

But you can sense it.

There’s a climate of fear that becomes apparent in everyday interactions.

People don’t refer to the war directly, but instead use phrases like “since 2022” or “the current situation”.

Euphemisms, because no one’s sure who’s listening.

1000 days is not a milestone Russia wanted to reach, of course.

The invasion was supposed to be over in a matter of weeks.

A 'Z' on a building in the Russian city of Yekaterinburg
Image:
A ‘Z’ on a building in the Russian city of Yekaterinburg

But since those early missteps and miscalculations, the Kremlin has characterised the conflict as an existential struggle against the West, akin to a holy war that it almost revels in.

It has become the defining feature of Russia’s current national identity.

Will it last another 1000 days? If it does, the likes of Anna Bazhutova and Nadezhda Buyanova will be barely halfway through their sentences.

“Humour really helps to hold on. We constantly joke about everything,” Aleksandr tells me, when I ask him how Ms Bazhutova is doing.

“But sometimes she has breakdowns. Sometimes she does not have the strength to hold on anymore and cries hysterically.”



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